Woke, Racism and the Great Reset of the UK

Among the many things the last three-and-a-half-years of cowardice and complicity have demonstrated is that the West, as an idea, is now dead. If it continues to haunt the world, it is only as an interdependent financial sector rapidly reaching the day of its reckoning, military alliances against whatever bogeyman the US identifies for ‘liberation’ next, and security treaties between Europe, the USA and Australasia. The funeral rites have been a long time in preparation, but in the UK, at least, we no longer have anything one could refer to as a ‘culture’, for which we have substituted corporate and state propaganda created by global think-tanks to cretinize the national population into compliance.

Our leaders in politics, business and the media are at best puppets for transnational technocracies, open to corruption by the highest bidder from any quarter of the globe. London is an offshore financial jurisdiction serviced by increasingly impoverished immigrants living in what will soon be a surveillance city-state. And after years of national decline, humiliation, lockdown and the ongoing theft of our futures for a multitude of manufactured ‘crises’, the British, as a people, are clinically depressed, apparently unable to do more than make a weary nod of consent to the media-managed spectacle of the latest celebrity scandal, political corruption or proxy war.

Not before time, more and more of us have come to the realisation that, as a political union claiming to be a sovereign state (try not to laugh), we are no longer in charge of our own destiny: not only because the democratic process that has limped across the world stage for years to the mocking jeers of our peers has finally collapsed into what is, in effect, a one-party state; but also because, whatever parliamentary party we vote to form a government in the abject spectacle of universal suffrage inflicted on the union every four years, it will make absolutely no difference to the Great Reset of Western capitalism we have been undergoing since September 2019, nor to the technologies of biopower to which we are being subjected as citizens not of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland but of the Global Biosecurity State.

Indeed, in many respects the British are now a colonised people, much like India was under the British Empire, the Eastern Bloc countries were under the Soviet Union, and South American countries are under the USA. The coloniser now, however, isn’t another country or empire, but a transnational consortium of financial institutions, global asset managers, information technology companies and the technocracies they form. The names of these unaccountable, anti-democratic organisations have become increasingly familiar to even the most Covid-compliant, Zelenskyy-worshipping and environmental-fundamentalist of UK citizens since March 2020: the World Economic Forum, the World Health Organization, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, as well as the already familiar but increasingly authoritarian European Commission, United Nations, North Atlantic Treaty Organization, World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

It is to oversee, enforce, manage and insert us into the New World Order over which these global technocracies preside that the Great Reset of Western capitalism is being implemented; and in our habituation and subordination to this next phase, woke, as the official ideology of stakeholder capitalism, is instrumental to our compliance.

1. The Politics of Immigration

But when did woke assume this role? In the UK, woke could be said to have begun—even before the term was coined—when our re-elected Prime Minister, Tony Blair, a year into the illegal invasion of Iraq, scolded us for drinking too much, which he called ‘the new British disease’, and told us we should instead be sipping French wines in Islington restaurants. Behind its middle-class snobbery, this was part of New Labour’s recalibration of British politics away from the paradigm of Left and Right in which it had failed to form a government since 1979, and towards the woke opposition between Open and Closed.

According to this new paradigm, the White British working class were now openly denounced as culturally conservative, anti-immigration and economically protectionist, and the middle classes celebrated as multicultural, globalist and neoliberal. This ideological framework, which was uncritically accepted by the unfailingly cretinous British Left, laid the ground for the expansion of the European Union in 2004 and the opening of British employment markets to workers from eight states: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia.

However, contrary to the lies of the serial liar, Tony Blair, and the orthodoxies of woke the New Labour governments imposed on the UK, this was not done out of a sudden conversion to the politics of peace, love and harmony between peoples, but rather to drive down the rising cost of the labour of the working-class population in 2004, at a time when only 10.5% of the working-age population were born outside the UK. Continued from 2010 by Blair’s understudy, David Cameron, this meant that by 2021, some 17 years after this watershed in UK immigration, 31.2% of workers in elementary occupations were immigrants.

This included:

• 60.7% of packers, bottlers, canners and fillers;
• 38.8% of warehouse operatives;
• 37.3% of cleaners and domestics;
• 36.2% of security guards;
• 35% of delivery operatives;
• 32.4% of industrial cleaners, dry cleaners and waiters;
• 29.2% of kitchen assistants;
• 28.1% of elementary process plant workers;
• 24.1% of sales assistants;
• 22% of construction workers;
• 19% of postal workers;
• 18.8% of hospital porters;
• 18.6% of fishing and agricultural workers;
• and 17.8% of groundworkers. 

Over the same period, real wages for workers in the UK have largely stagnated—with the income of the poorest fifth of the population, and that after escalating housing costs, no higher in 2018–19 than in 2004–05—while the income of those who employ them and profit from their labour has grown.

Of course, a lot has happened in the UK over the past two decades, including—to recall only the Greatest Hits of Finance Capitalism 2004–2023—

• the progressive banning of industrial action by successive waves of anti-worker legislation;
• the US subprime mortgage crisis of 2007 that sent the UK into recession;
• the Global Financial Crisis of 2008-2009; the subsequent bailout of the banks with £456.33 billion of British taxpayers’ money and the consequent decade of fiscal austerity that followed;
• the housing crisis it caused as globalists invested their wealth in UK properties underwritten by new housing legislation like Help to Buy equity loans and Shared Ownership schemes;
• £895 million in quantitative easing for purchasing government bonds by the Bank of England in order to prop up the financial sector that threatened to enter a second Global Financial Crisis in September 2019;
• the two years of government-enforced lockdown to insulate the real economy from the $19 trillion of failing assets purchased by central banks globally between then and April 2022, when lockdown restrictions were lifted;
• the consequent escalation in inflation and the cost of living we have now, with interest rates in August 2023 raised to 5.25%, the highest since December 2007;
• and the £13.767 billion the UK Government has committed to the privatisation of the national resources and assets of the Ukraine.

So the immiseration and disenfranchisement of British workers can’t all be blamed on a market flooded with underpaid foreign workers. The point I want to make is that immigration policy, in 2023 as in 2004, is determined by the economic and political intentions of those setting it.

The economic intentions are clear by their results: the poverty and industrial impotence of UK workers; but what is the political intention behind immigration policy in the UK over the last two decades?

According to the Census of 2001, the UK was:

• 91.3% White (87.5% White British, 1.2% White Irish, 2.6% White other);
• with just 2.2% Black (1.1% Caribbean, 0.9% African, 0.2% other),
• and 4.4% Asian (2% Indian, 1.4% Pakistani, 0.5% Bangladeshi and 1.3% % mixed).

By the 2021 Census, UK immigration policy had changed this to:

• 4% Black,
• 3.1% Indian,
• 2.7% Pakistani,
• 1.1% Bangladeshi
• and 2.9% mixed.

Respectively, that’s a 181%, 155%, 192%, 220% and 223% increase in just twenty years. And since the population of the UK over that time rose from 59.12 million to 67.33 million, the actual increase in the number of British citizens of Black, Asian and mixed-race ethnicity is higher than these percentage increases.

Over the same period:

• the percentage of people in the UK of White ethnicity fell to 81.7%,
• White Irish falling to 0.9%,
• White other rising to 6.2% (a 238% increase reflecting the expansion of UK labour markets into Central and Eastern Europe in 2004),
• with White British now making up less than three-quarters (74.4%) of the population of the UK;
• Asians, including Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Chinese, now make up 9.3% of the population of the UK.

That gives this demographic considerable electoral influence in the UK, particularly when targeted by a politics that appeals to its racial identity.

Twenty years later—whether it’s Scotland’s newly-elected First Minister, Humza Yousaf, who in February this year felt completely comfortable declaring there were too many White people in positions of authority in a Scotland where more than 96% of the population is White British, or London’s Mayor, Sadiq Khan, who in August declared that White families are not representative of Londoners, 60% of whom are White—the UK is increasingly being run by second-generation immigrants who, on this evidence and quite openly, hate the White British working class, our indigenous culture and social customs. But in the climate of accusation, censorship and retribution created by woke in the UK, few have had the courage to ask how and why this has happened, or dared to answer their own questions.

2. The Ideology of Racism

As the British know better than anyone and ruthlessly demonstrated in India, Africa, the Middle East and South-east Asia when we ruled not only our own nation but many others, the colonisation of a country is conditional upon the erasure of its indigenous culture and the replacement of its native leaders with foreigners who have no allegiance, in beliefs or customs, to the conquered people. Britain’s woke-compliant leaders—White, Asian and Black—who occupy positions of leadership and seniority in all the UK’s parliamentary political parties, have been appointed by globalists for precisely this purpose.

Whether it’s Digital Identity, which will enable a system of surveillance and social credit, Central Bank Digital Currency, which will give the Bank of England total control over our expenditures, the World Economic Forum’s 15-Minute Cities, which will function as digital camps, the United Nation’s Agenda 2030, which is imposing a programme of progressive eco-austerity, or the World Health Organization’s Pandemic Treaty, which will outsource mandatory masking, gene therapy and lockdowns to an unaccountable global technocracy, the programmes, agendas and treaties being imposed on us by the UK’s woke leadership are designed and intended to deprive the UK of its national sovereignty and reduce the native population to a subject people.

Woke is a foreign ideology, manufactured largely by US globalists, propagandists and academics to replace the indigenous cultures of the nation states of the West. The leaders selected to enforce it have been chosen strategically to this end because, as repeatedly demonstrated by Sadiq Khan—the second-generation immigrant voted Mayor of London by a demographic of which nearly 40% are of Asian, Black or mixed ethnicity—anyone who opposes the colonisation of the UK by these policies can be denounced as ‘far-right’, ‘racist’ and other insults from the lexicon of woke.

Just as multiculturalism was the ideology of neoliberalism that justified—among other policies of the great capitalist gangbang of the last forty years—the untaxed and untracked movement of capital through global markets and into offshore financial jurisdictions, so woke is the ideology of stakeholder capitalism justifying the rule of nation states by transnational technocracies. No matter what political party they are nominally a member of, every woke leader is a puppet of the World Economic Forum that—as we’re seeing with 15-Minute Cities—creates the policies our politicians impose with the authority of the nation state they’ve been elected by us—naïvely and foolishly—to govern.

To cite just two examples, while the population of the UK is suffering £54 billion in increased taxes and cuts to services imposed by his Chancellor, Rishi Sunak, the Indian son-in-law of an Indian billionaire and founder of the multinational information technology company, InfoSys—which just happens to be developing a system of Digital Identity—recently returned from the G20 summit held in India with the promise to allocate, under the woke banner of a ‘Green Climate Fund’, £2 billion of UK taxpayers’ money for his globalist partners to address another manufactured crisis. And as part of the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group he chairs, Sadiq Khan plans to implement a ban on private car ownership and the consumption of dairy products and meat by 2030. Neither of these policy decisions, nor the funding from UK taxpayers required to implement them, were part of the campaign promises of either Rishi Sunak or Sadiq Khan.

To distract us from which, barely a week passes without Khan accusing and insulting some group of people opposed to his policies. Perhaps the most infamous example was in March 2023, during a public Question Time session, when he accused Londoners opposed to the expansion of his Ultra-Low Emission Zone to the whole of London of being ‘in a coalition with the far-right, Covid-deniers and anti-vaxxers’, to which he later added ‘conspiracy theorists and Nazis’. In employing this discourse of ‘denial’, Khan had no hesitation in reducing the political opinions of working-class Londoners, and their opposition to fines of £12.50 per day that will immiserate them even further, to Holocaust deniers.

I would argue that, since, under Section 4 of the Public Order Act 1986, it is an offence for a person to use ‘threatening, abusive or insulting words or behaviours that causes, or is likely to cause, another person harassment, alarm of distress’, and that a person guilty of such an offence is liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months, Khan should be arrested, interviewed and charged by the Metropolitan Police Service, and be compelled to resign from his position as morally unfit to hold public office. He won’t be, of course, because he is protected from such charges not only by his office but also by his ethnicity, which allows him, as it does other Asian and Black Britons, to accuse anyone in this country who is White of being racist, far-right, anti-Semitic (etc.) with complete impunity, and indeed with the full support and approval of the woke Left and the nearly 1 in 5 of the UK population encouraged by woke to see racism everywhere.

Let me clarify what I’m saying, in anticipation of the knee-jerk reactions to my argument from those on the Left who, in strict obedience to the orthodoxies of woke, regard the use of the word ‘immigrant’ or any reference to the ethnicity or religion of a person as some sort of hate crime. I am not saying that our White politicians and World Economic Forum puppets have any more allegiance to Britain or the British people than their Black and Asian counterparts.

The names of Boris Johnson (our former Prime Minister), Matt Hancock (our former Secretary of State for Health), Jeremy Hunt (our current Chancellor of the Exchequer), Grant Shapps (the new Secretary of State for Defence), Michael Gove (our Secretary of State for Housing), Steve Barclay (our current Secretary of State for Health), Thérèse Coffey (our Secretary of State for the Environment), Penny Mordaunt (the Leader of the Commons), Sir Keir Starmer (the Leader of the Labour Party), Nicola Sturgeon (the former First Minister of Scotland), Mark Drakeford (the Leader of the Welsh Assembly) and Caroline Lucas (the single MP for the Green Party)—all of whom are collaborating in the Great Reset of the UK—are ample proof of this. But none of these White politicians can draw on the race card when defending their enforcement of policies and programmes formulated by transnational technocracies and imposed without a mandate from the UK electorate.

To look only at the two political parties with any chance of forming a Government, 17% of the Cabinet of the current Conservative Government are second-generation immigrants, which is representative of the 18% of the UK population from a Black, Asian, mixed or other ethnic group, although all five of them occupy the most senior offices of State; while the Labour Party’s Shadow Cabinet has four, although, again, they are all Shadow Secretaries of State. To refer to their ethnicity and not their citizenship, which is of course British, it’s for this reason that [at the time of writing, before the November 2023 reshuffle]:

• Rishi Sunak (our unelected Indian Prime Minister),
• Suella Braverman (our Indian Home Secretary),
• James Cleverly (our first Foreign Secretary with African heritage),
• Claire Coutinho (our Indian Secretary of State for Net Zero),
• Kemi Badenoch (our Nigerian Secretary of State for Business),
• Priti Patel (our Indian former Home Secretary),
• Sajid Javid (our Pakistani former Chancellor, Home Secretary and Secretary of State for Health),
• Nadhim Zahawi (our Iraqi former Minister for Covid–19 Vaccine Development);
• and, in opposition:
• David Lammy (our Guyanese Shadow Foreign Secretary),
• Shabana Mahmood (our Pakistani Shadow Secretary of State for Justice),
• Thangam Debbonaire (née Singh, our Indian Shadow Secretary of State for Culture and Media),
• Diane Abbott (the Jamaican former Shadow Home Secretary),
• Sadiq Khan (our Pakistani Mayor of London),
• Humza Yousaf (our Pakistani First Minister of Scotland),
• and Anas Sarwar (our Pakistani Leader of the Scottish Labour Party)

—all of whom are second-generation immigrants to the UK—have been appointed to such senior leadership positions in a UK whose population is 75% White British.

If any non-European country had such a high proportion of senior politicians of another ethnicity and religion in its government—and how many White Britons in the British Raj were born in India?—we’d call this colonialism; but under the orthodoxies of woke and its permanent apologia for being White and British we are forced, instead, to celebrate it as ‘multiculturalism’. And under the protection of its dogma, these woke leaders can (and do) play the race card when anyone opposes the policies and programmes of their globalist masters.

To cite only a handful of the most transparent examples from the last few years, in May 2019, when Sajid Javid, the former Board Member of Deutsche Bank who sold the collateralised debt obligations that turned the subprime mortgage crisis into the Global Financial Crisis and channelled bankers’ bonuses through the Cayman Islands, signed as UK Home Secretary the order to extradite Julian Assange to the USA, he accused critics of using his race and religion to attack his politics.

In June 2020, as protests were banned under the third amendment to the Health Protection (Coronavirus, Restrictions) (England) Regulations 2020, and Priti Patel, Javid’s successor as Home Secretary, was accused of racism by Labour MPs for condemning a Black Lives Matter protest, she responded by saying she had been called a ‘Paki’ as a child.

In October 2020, Kemi Badenoch responded to the comparative lack of Britons from Black and ethnic minority backgrounds participating in the trials for the Covid–19 justified gene therapies by accusing ‘conspiracy theorists’ of targeting BAME communities with disinformation.

On 7 December 2020, as the UK signed a military agreement with the apartheid State of Israel, James Cleverly, who at the time was Minister for the Middle East, North Africa and North America, took time out to condemn football fans for booing players complying with the Black Lives Matter ritual of ‘taking the knee’.

In February 2021, Nadhim Zahawi—who the previous June had founded a new company, Warren Medical Limited, registered in his wife’s name and under the directorship of his two sons—in his capacity as Minister for Vaccines said he was concerned about ‘vaccine hesitancy’ among the UK’s Black and mixed ethnic communities, which he blamed on a ‘tsunami of disinformation’ from ‘anti-vaxxers’ on social media.

In March 2021, as the Coronavirus Act 2020 was renewed for the second time with the overwhelming support of the Labour Party, the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities found that there was no evidence of institutional racism in the UK. Whereupon David Lammy, Labour’s Shadow Justice Secretary, who in 2016 had been fined £5,000 for instigating 36,000 automatic phone calls urging Londoners to back his campaign to be London Mayor, said its report was an insult to victims of racism.

In November 2021, when the Scottish Government was considering making Covid–19-justified gene-therapies mandatory for Scottish citizens, Humza Yousaf, as Minister for Health, accused a Dundee nursery of refusing his child a place because of his Muslim name.

In March 2022, Sadiq Khan, to justify the target of reducing carbon emissions in London to Net Zero by 2030, said that the climate ‘crisis’ is a ‘racial justice issue’ because BAME communities in the capital are the most affected by carbon emissions, soaring temperatures and flash floods, calling it a ‘wake-up call to people of colour’.

In May 2022, Claire Coutinho, who as a senior fellow at Policy Exchange, the Conservative think-tank that helped draft the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 which, among numerous new police powers, empowers them to ban protests and increased powers of Stop and Search that are already disproportionately used against Black men, during a Parliament Question Time condemned all forms of racial discrimination, prejudice and harassment.

And in July 2023, as the Strikes (Minimum Services Level) Act 2023 was made into law, forcing trade union workers in health, education and emergency services to provide a minimum service during a strike, Rishi Sunak informed the media that he had experienced racism growing up. This, presumably, was when the future Prime Minister was at Winchester College public school, which today charges pupils £45,936 per annum in tuition and boarding fees.

Let me also clarify what I mean by ‘playing the race card’. This doesn’t only mean—as is practiced with tedious regularity by Khan, Lammy, Abbott and Luciana Berger—politicians accusing anyone who opposes their policies of being ‘far right’, ‘racist’ or ‘anti-Semitic’. Even Braverman, an Indian who calls herself a Buddhist, is happy to appear racist to her Conservative voter base while allowing a record 1.2 million long-term immigrants into the UK in 2022. Because contrary to what her nominal opposition on the British Left proclaims, immigration policy is not decided by how ‘racist’ is a Minister or Government. It has been made to appear so by the ideology of woke because the real economic and political reasons for immigration into the UK and its consequences for British workers cannot now be discussed without the accusation of ‘racism’ either silencing every attempt at debate or reducing it to virtue signalling and slinging of insults by politicians intent on acquiring political capital among the unfailingly obedient UK electorate.

I myself, when publishing exerts from this article on my Twitter account, was accused of contributing to a discourse of racism that endangers immigrants to this country. So that it’s clear, I completely reject this accusation, which is the same as that used to condemn criticisms of the equally woke ideology of transgenderism as endangering the lives of transvestites, and is intended—from behind a cynical curtain of concern—to silence any deviation from the ideological orthodoxies of the Great Reset.

3. Woke as Cultural Colonialism

The accusations of racism don’t stop with our politicians. This June, during the second test of the Ashes cricket series between England and Australia, the Independent Commission for Equity in Cricket published a report titled ‘Holding Up A Mirror To Cricket’ that accused English cricket of ‘racism, sexism and elitism’. It’s hard to think of another country that would make such an accusation against its own sportsmen as they were contesting a series, but if we look closer into the ICEC it becomes clearer what the motivation for doing so is. The Commission was set up by the England and Wales Cricket Board in July 2021—the report states—‘in the wake of global movements such as Black Lives Matter and #MeToo’. Like woke itself, of which they are subsidiaries, these are ideological movements manufactured and funded by US globalists.

For example, since 2020, Black Lives Matter and related causes have received an astonishing $82.9 billion from companies and corporations, including:

• $18.25 billion from the Bank of America,
• $10.11 billion from Goldman Sachs,
• $1.05 billion from Facebook,
• $810 million from BlackRock,
• $535 million from Paypal,
• $500 million from Mastercard,
• $370 million from Google,
• $252 million from IBM,
• $244.6 million from Microsoft,
• $169.55 million from Amazon,
• $110 million from Johnson & Johnson,
• $107.4 million from Twitter,
• $100 million from YouTube,
• $85 million from Deloitte,
• $36.4 million from Alliance,
• $30 million from Morgan Stanley,
• $30 million from JPMorgan Chase,
• $29.7 million from Merck,
• $7.2 million from Pfizer,
• and $6 million from State Street Global Advisor.

There’s only one thing these supposedly ‘grass-roots’ activist groups can be doing with such vast sums of money, and it isn’t organising marches around the streets of London. They are using it to lobby governments to write pro-woke legislation, bribe legislatures to turn it into law, and to fund public institutions and private businesses to impose it on the population.

Besides funding Black Lives Matter, all these companies and many more make up the more than 1,100 partners of the World Economic Forum that, on 11 March 2020—the same day the World Health Organization declared the ‘pandemic’—formed themselves into the ‘Covid–19 Action Platform’ that is the template for stakeholder capitalism. Woke activism isn’t merely astroturfing for its corporate funders; it is the means through which stakeholder capitalism is dismantling our democracy and replacing it with the rule of the transnational technocracies these corporations form. As we will see, this is the real goal of the Independent Commission for Equity in Cricket.

Much like our political parties, the Commission is chaired by a Black Woman, Cindy Butts, a second-generation immigrant whose parents were from Guyana and the Caribbean, and a former deputy chair of the Metropolitan Police Authority. The rest of the Board comprises a second-generation Pakistani immigrant, former cricketer and now lawyer, Zafar Ansari; and a mixed-race woman, Michelle Moore, who describes herself as a ‘globally recognised executive on leadership, race equity and sport for development’. Only two of its five members are White: Michael Collins, a woke professor at University College London currently writing a book called Windrush Cricket: Caribbean Migration and the Remaking of Postwar England; and Sir Brendan Barber, a member of the Labour Party and former General Secretary of the Trades Union Conference. Both Butts and Moore—and, it might be argued, Ansari and Collins too—make a living from identifying racism, which—to state the obvious—it is in their financial interests to find everywhere they look, much like the witch-hunters of the Counter Reformation who thrived on religious zealotry, fear and trial by public opinion.

And the criteria for the accusation of racism employed by the ICEC are about as rigorous as a seventeenth-century witch hunt, relying on the anonymised anecdotes of the modern equivalents to Arthur Miller’s Puritan colonists in The Crucible, his allegory of McCarthyism in the USA of the 1940s and 1950s. To qualify as ‘racist’, according to the ICEC definition, there doesn’t have to be intention on behalf of the offending person, merely perception of racism by the offended. And yet, even with such a subjective and legally meaningless definition so open to abuse, a mere 4,156 individuals contributed to the report’s findings out of a cricket-playing population in England and Wales of 2.5 million people. That’s just 0.16% of those who play a sport in which, as the report concedes, between 30% and 35% are from ‘ethnically diverse backgrounds’.

That sounds to me like evidence that cricket in England and Wales is one of the least racist sports in the world. But woke, which eschews evidence for wild accusation, takes many of its procedures from McCarthyism; and with its global staging of the Salem Witch Trials having penetrated into every aspect of our culture, sport, education, economy, laws, politics and government, racism is the devil seen everywhere by anyone with a grudge or chip on their shoulder, every signaller of their woke-compliant virtue, every petty advocate of state censorship, every coward hoping to save his own skin.

Like every other equivalent body set up to conduct these witch trials, the Independent Commission for Equity in Cricket is, in reality, nothing of the kind, but rather a state-funded product of UK public institutions having to enforce Diversity, Equity and Inclusion criteria. These are an obligation of the English Cricket Board’s Public Sector Equality Duty, which came into effect in April 2011 under Section 149 of the Equality Act 2010. This, in turn, is the legislative equivalent of US asset managers and BLM funders like BlackRock, State Street and Vanguard enforcing DEI criteria on companies in which they invest and over whose decisions they have majority voting power, which in their case means the 500 largest companies on the New York Stock Exchange.

And the colonialist and ideological goals of such criteria are made clear in the ICEC report. To this end, the authors insists that existing ‘policies, practices and systems are reformed’, and the woke principles of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion formulated by BlackRock and other US asset managers are ‘embedded into all aspects of cricket in England and Wales’. Asserting that the racism she sees in cricket is ‘indicative of equally deeply rooted societal problems’, Butts concludes: ‘A fundamental change in culture and attitudes is required’. This is some measure of the scale of ambition and arrogance of these woke colonialists. And it doesn’t stop there.

It is not a coincidence that, the day before the report accusing English cricket of being institutionally racist was published and discussed on BBC Radio 5’s coverage of the Ashes throughout the players’ lunch break, Just Stop Oil, another woke organisation also funded by US globalists, somehow managed to escape security, run onto the Lord’s cricket ground and cover it with their brand orange powder.

In case we might think they ‘got lucky’ this one time—as these corporate activists do every time they engage in their promotions for Agenda 2030—the BBC, which has a strict policy of refusing to cover protests at sporting events in order to deny them the coverage they seek, gave the Just Stop Oil protesters precious and very expensive minutes of screen time in its televised coverage of the day’s play that evening. Like the Diversity, Equity and Inclusion criteria the ICEC report insists is embedded into cricket in this country, the Environment, Social and corporate Governance criteria for Agenda 2030 promoted by Just Stop Oil and other environmental activist groups is not only imposed on businesses by BlackRock, State Street, Vanguard and other US asset managers but, behind their United Nations branding, formulated by them as a tool of stakeholder capitalism.

After the England team, hardly surprisingly, had lost the test at Lords, their captain, Ben Stokes, issued a grovelling apology in response to its accusations. But I’m happy to report that an England captain from a pre-woke era, Ian Botham, who apart from being one of England’s greatest cricketers is known for raising more than £12 million for charity, had the courage to call the report ‘a nonsense’.

But, of course, the cultural colonialism of woke doesn’t stop at cricket. In a similar act of national insult made with complete impunity, in February 2021 Ugo Monye, a second-generation Nigerian immigrant and former England rugby player, accused English rugby of being racist. Two months later he was appointed Chair of the newly-formed Rugby Football Union’s ‘independent diversity and inclusion advisory group’. Two months after that, in an echo of Tony Blair, Monye said rugby had to tackle its culture of ‘heavy drinking’ and ‘laddishness’ in order to attract Muslim and homosexual players. Recently, he interviewed a ‘trans’ rugby player. Monye is ITV’s main commentator at this year’s Rugby World Cup on games played by an England team whose 33-man squad includes ten players that are Black, Polynesian or mixed race. Such are the rewards for the woke-compliant.

This is a man whose father abandoned his family and returned to Nigeria when he was young, and was raised by his single Black mother on a London council housing estate. In this respect, Ugo Monye’s upbringing was representative of second-generation Black Britons in the UK. 57% of Black Caribbean families and 44% of Black African families in England and Wales have single parents, compared with 22% of White British families; and 90% of these single parents are women. Partly, but not wholly, as a consequence, 48% of Black Britons live in social housing, and 8% of the tiny amount of social housing being built in the UK is let to Black tenants, double their proportion of the population. But with the help and financial support of a scholarship to an English boarding school and being signed to an English rugby club, Monye went on to play fourteen times for his mother’s adopted country.

Moreover, although a player of no great distinction and with little to recommend him as either an analyst or commentator on the game, he has made a post-playing career as a TV pundit apparently based on nothing more than his ethnicity in a culture and industry obsessed with race quotas and so-called ‘positive discrimination’. As a measure of which, in a UK in which (as we have seen) just 4% of the population is Black and 6.9 % is South Asian, 37% of adverts feature a Black person and 15% a person from South Asian. This while Monye’s current employer, ITV, following the launch of its ‘Diversity Acceleration Plan Report 2021’, announced last July that 34% of lead roles in new commissions aired over the previous year had been given to BAME actors and presenters. Yet Monye had no hesitation and no fear of damaging his career—quite the opposite—in calling the country that made him so successful ‘racist’.

As far as I know, no rugby player equivalent in stature to Ian Botham—Johnny Wilkinson, say, or Martin Johnson—has made public what they think of Monye’s insult to their sport, nation and race.

Finally—although it’s by no measure the final example—in May of this year, the actress and second-generation Ghanaian immigrant, Adjoa Andoh, during the coronation of King Charles, said on national television that the British Royal Family is too White. It remains to be seen how Diversity, Equity and Inclusion criteria will be ‘embedded’ into the UK monarchy and its practices ‘reformed’, although the marriage of the Duke of Sussex to Meghan Markle, a mixed-race US actress, looks like a so-far failed attempt to do just that. But as BlackRock’s Chief Executive Officer, Larry Fink, made clear back in 2017 in an interview that has recently resurfaced, compliance with Diversity, Equity and Inclusion criteria is enforced as a condition of any company or institution, and not just sporting or cultural ones, receiving investment:

You have to force behaviours. If you don’t force behaviours, whether it’s gender or race or just any way you want to—say, the composition of your team—you’re going to be impacted. That’s not just recruiting, it’s development. We’re going to have to force change.

4. The Racism of Woke

Those of us who read and oppose London’s neoliberal housing policy have long known that Sadiq Khan is in the pockets of the property developers and now, it appears, the manufacturers of electric vehicles who, presumably, fund his electoral campaigns and write his policies; but his more recent actions have additionally exposed him to accusations of racism and misogyny. Indeed, the monthly spectacles his office funds in Trafalgar Square celebrate every possible demographic by race, religion and sexuality except the White population that still constitutes the majority of Londoners.

In 2023, the London Mayor will sponsor:

• the Chinese New Year (in January),
• the London LGBTQIA+ film festival (in March),
• the newly inaugurated Muslim celebration of Ramadan Lights (throughout March),
• the Sikh festival of Vaisakhi and the Muslim festival of Eid in the Square (in April),
• the LGBTQIA+ festival of Pride (which now runs throughout July),
• the Caribbean Notting Hill Carnival (in August),
• the newly inaugurated festival of Black on the Square and the Jewish festival of Rosh Hashanah (both in September),
• Black History Month (in October),
• the Hindu festival of Diwali on the Square (in November)
• and the Jewish festival of Hanukkah (in December),
• as well as announcing plans for a London memorial for Black victims of the transatlantic slave trade.

In April, admittedly, the 44.9% of the London population that are White British got a celebration of St. George, the patron Saint of England; but there’s no mention on his website of events—let alone funding—from our Muslim Mayor for Lent or Easter or Christmas for the 59.8% that are White and 58.23% of Londoners that are Christian.

I am as opposed to the dogma and institutions of Christianity as I am to all organised religions, but I find it hard to see this programme as anything other than a deliberate and so-far successful attempt to insult and demean White British Londoners and exacerbate the racial and religious tensions between them and the huge and growing influx of immigrants, particularly from non-Christian countries, into the capital.

Far more concerning, however, than this ideological groundwork for the erasure of British culture and customs is what these socially and racially divisive tactics are preparing: not merely the Ultra-Low Emission Zone enclosing the whole of London that is, first and foremost, a tax on London’s working class, but also the digital panopticon it has justified, which puts in place the surveillance framework required to enforce the restrictions on our freedoms, prohibitions on our consumptions and invasions into our privacy being implemented under the obligations of the United Nations’ Agenda 2030 programme of eco-austerity.

For if woke is the ideology of globalism, identity politics is its political strategy. The UK’s woke politicians are rightly confident that, as more white working-class Britons detach from a political process increasingly formed around who can insult, impoverish and disenfranchise them the most, more Black and Asian Britons will vote for what they are equally increasingly encouraged to believe are their ethnic ‘representatives’ in British politics. The Evidence for Equality National Survey has reported that, in a poll of 14,200 UK citizens in 2021, 60% of White British and White Europeans said they were ‘fairly’ or ‘very’ interested in politics, while the same level of political interest was expressed by 80% of Black Africans, 78% of mixed-race Britons, and 77% of Indians. Unsurprisingly, given the Left’s wholesale adoption of identity politics, over 60% of Black African, Black Caribbean, Pakistani and Bangladeshi Britons support the Labour Party.

Of course, ‘interest’ doesn’t always convert into votes, but voter turnout among White Britons in the General Election of 2019 was 63%, down from 67% in 2010; while, in comparison, voter turnout among Black and Minority Ethnic Britons in 2019 was 52%, which is marginally up from 51% in 2010. Before that, there is no data on the ethnicity of voters; but in the General Election of 2019, in which 67.3% of the electorate voted—the fifth lowest turnout since 1929, all five of which have come since 2001—64% of all Black and Minority Ethnic Britons voted Labour. This might explain a poll, conducted this September, that found that, even after his disastrous record on everything from housing and corruption to police brutality and the Ultra-Low Emission Zone, 33% of the electorate of London are still intending to vote for Sadiq Khan at next year’s Mayoral election.

The far more serious result of such identity politics, however, than the election of divisive figures like Khan to a position of leadership in the UK—and the real political motivation behind his monthly celebration and funding for Asian and Black cultural and religious festivals—is that what should be political debates about our national sovereignty, parliamentary integrity, civil liberties, human rights, democratic agency, cultural values, children’s education, employment rights and economic future—all of which are being erased by the Great Reset of the UK—have all been reduced, instead, to a question of skin colour. For this reason alone, woke is the most cynically racist of ideologies.

It is a product of woke’s colonisation of the UK that racism is now regarded in this country as exclusive to the White population, from which Black and Asian British people are supposedly entirely free, even when they make such blatantly racist comments as those made by Monye, Butts, Khan and Yousaf. To judge by the Twitter feed of the London Mayor, most White working-class Britons are fed up being called ‘racist’ by immigrants to this country because of the colour of their skin. But although the blanket statements about White people made by them and other second-generation immigrants are quite clearly racist, and if made by a White politician or public figure about Black or Asian Britons would bring their careers to an abrupt end—as it apparently has for Diane Abbott when she played the race card once too often—I am not necessarily claiming that Khan et al. are racist.

Appointing a racist to a role in which they are required to make racist statements and impose racist policies is a logical political decision; but attributing such views and values to our politicians—even to those as morally vacuous as Khan, Javid, Patel and Cleverly—would mean them holding at least some beliefs, however foolish or unpleasant, and I am reluctant to do so. This is partly because I believe the accusation of racism—despite being thrown like confetti by the woke at anyone who disagrees with their dogma or opposes their globalist policies—is a serious one, and not to be made lightly. But primarily it is because, after a decade following and writing about British politics, I don’t believe that any politician in the UK holds any belief, even the racism against White people they demonstrate with impunity, that conflicts with their pursuit of power.

What I’m arguing, rather, is that the discourse of racism developed by woke—which is that all White people are racist, whether they know it or not, and that the UK itself and all its institutions, sporting, educational, cultural and governmental, are racist—is the ideological foundation for the Great Reset of the UK into compliance with the stakeholder capitalism formed by the most powerful companies in the world, and our consequent governance by the transnational technocracies they form.

The accusation of ‘racism’, which is the foundation of woke and the basis to the enforcement of both DEI and ESG criteria, is the ideological instrument of this globalist coup. Second-generation immigrants like Sunak, Lammy, Khan and Yousaf, and before them Javid and Patel, have been appointed to senior positions of political leadership in the UK specifically because they can make this accusation—as they do—regularly and without fear of reprisal against anyone who opposes the treaties, agendas, legislation, regulations, policies, restrictions, programmes and technologies of the Great Reset of the UK and, just as crucially, the enforced changes to our culture, behaviour, beliefs and attitudes consequent upon it.

But the clinching example, perhaps, of why woke is the official ideology of stakeholder capitalism across the West is that anyone who tries—as many of us are trying—to think through and articulate why and how it is being enforced outside of any democratic process and at every level of our society is immediately denounced—as I have no doubt I will be for writing this article—as a ‘conspiracy theorist’, as a ‘racist’, as a member of the ‘far right’, as ‘anti-Semitic’, as a ‘Covid denier’, as ‘vaccine hesitant’, as a ‘Putin apologist’, as a ‘climate-change denier’.

These and other insults yet to be coined by the propaganda departments of the European Commission, the United Nations, the World Economic Forum, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, the World Health Organization, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and other technocracies of the emerging World Government are not—as even those they are hurled at mistakenly believe—the side-products of a degraded political climate. Nor are they the overly exuberant claims of middle-class university students whose hearts are in the right place even if their minds have been indoctrinated by the institutions that should be teaching them how to think critically about the world.

These insults and slurs are, to the contrary, the targeted weapons of a concerted political and ideological strategy overseeing the revolution of the West into stakeholder capitalism. It’s for this reason that woke, which has attained its rapid colonisation of our politics and culture through the virtue signalling of the compliant and the terrorising of the non-compliant, is the ideology of the Great Reset.

Simon Elmer is the author of The Road to Fascism: For a Critique of the Global Biosecurity State (2022), as well as two volumes of articles on the UK biosecurity state, Virtue and Terror and The New Normal, both published in 2023. This article is an extract from his new book, The Great Reset: Biopolitics for Stakeholder Capitalism.

Main image: Humza Yousaf’s too-many-whites invective at the Scottish Parliament