America in Distress: UK media joins US media’s attack on credible claims of 2020 election fraud

At the time of writing, the U.S. midterm elections are right around the corner; yet conventional media outlets based outside the United States, like their equally corrosive counterparts within the U.S., have mostly been looking back in time and peddling the same nonstop narrative that former President Donald Trump’s claim of a stolen 2020 presidential election is an unsubstantiated and flagrant “lie,” and that merely seeking, much less citing, evidence of illegal vote-casting and/or fraudulent vote-counting somehow infringes on the “rights” of U.S. voters—when the most surefire way to demolish everyone’s voting rights is to allow massive election theft to become institutionalized.

Regarding such media, consider the UK’s The Guardian—the “guardian” of what, one might ask—which is much like the UK’s Daily Mail in its attitude to the midterms, despite the alleged political gulf between the two titles. Both fancy themselves as major “investigative” newspapers which “expertly” tell their readers all about the turbulent waters of American politics and culture.

Back in May 2022, The Guardian noted:

Conservative groups perpetuating Donald Trump’s false charges that the 2020 election was rigged have sparked a lawsuit against one in Colorado, and a congressional panel investigation of another in New Mexico, over aggressive tactics allegedly used to seek out possible voter fraud. The scrutiny and criticism facing these conservative groups underscore how Trump loyalists in several US states are working to sustain falsehoods about Trump’s loss, while launching new drives that voting rights advocates say smack of voter intimidation, often targeting communities of color. A lawsuit was filed by the NAACP and two other groups in March charging that Colorado-based US Election Integrity Plan (USEIP), which has echoed Trump’s baseless claims about 2020 election fraud, has gone door to door in some counties aggressively questioning residents about their voting status and sometimes bearing arms.

As has become customary among orthodox media when it comes to U.S. election reporting, The Guardian simply parrots the words “Donald Trump’s false charges” and “baseless claims” without offering even a token morsel of evidence that such charges are categorically false or baseless, while rattling on instead about “allegations” of “pressure. tactics” that have reportedly been wielded by a species of riff-raff known as “election deniers” who are assumed to be roaming the streets of America like vigilantes, just looking for voters to bully.

The Guardian added:

Other states including Michigan and Utah boast conservative groups that, under the guise of protecting voting integrity by ferreting out fraud, have been criticized for the methods they employed in seeking out potential voter fraud. “As Americans, we expect and demand an open and participatory democracy that welcomes all voters equally,” said Danielle Lang, senior director of voting rights at the nonpartisan Campaign Legal Center. “Those engaging in these pressure tactics should know that voter intimidation is a crime with serious consequences.”

So, while The Guardian dallies in what it admits are “allegations” that such groups routinely pressure voters—one wonders how much actual pressure can be exerted when voters are surveyed about an election that already happened—a look at the U.S. Integrity Plan’s website tells a story that differs from The Guardian’s claims enough to warrant a call for the kind of fair and thorough reporting that the major news enterprises seem not to be able to to accomplish any more.

Notably, the USEIP website’s blog goes beyond the November 2020 election and offers news on alleged election fraud in the 2022 primary elections (which in the states nominate candidates to run in the final general midterm election on Nov. 8, 2022). To see for yourself what the conventional media won’t openly discuss and to make up your own mind, visit the USEIP blog.


Flap over Voting Rights Act

Meanwhile, the U.S. Voting Rights Act of 1965 has received more than its share of election-related headlines lately. Again, the coverage implies that mere access to the polls and the “right” to simply cast a ballot is all that matters—without even the slightest concern for the accuracy of the vote-count and how major counting errors clearly would nullify the oft-cited concept of “voting rights”.

Analyst Andrew Garber, in a recent article on the liberal Brennan Center for Justice website, noted fairly convincingly that the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965 was not particularly difficult for states in recent decades to comply with, in their efforts to abide by the all-important Section 2 of the Act and to prevent voter “discrimination” or “suppression” on the basis of color or race.

In the face of criticism of the VRA by those who insist otherwise, Garber claimed that the U.S. Department of Justice, in enforcing the VRA, did not outright federalize the elections which the states, on a constitutional basis, run to elect federal legislative representation and the president. (This is because the states created the federal government when the U.S. was born: the U.S. election system was set up at the state and local level so that federal legislators and the president could be seated without the federal government being entrusted to elect itself.)

However, Garber goes on to try to argue that “voter turnout” by minorities is lagging, saying that while “the 2020 election featured record turnout overall, only 58.4 percent of nonwhite voters cast ballots compared to 70.9 percent of white voters”.

But is voter suppression based on race still a significant problem? Has the VRA become a law without a mission? Garber, for all his supposed scholarship on the matter, chastised Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) for saying that, in November 2020, there was “record turnout for minority voters” even while Garber scolded other legislators for saying America has put racial voter suppression in the rear-view mirror.

Notice that the issue somehow shifted from “voter suppression”—which is a willful action to actually prevent people from voting that has to be proved—to something quite different called “voter turnout”, the increase or decrease of which can depend on a whole host of factors. 

Besides, “nonwhite voters” is a broad segment and means Hispanics, Asians, Indians and everyone else who is not evidently of European origin. Moreover, anyone who wasn’t comatose in 2020 knows that with the unprecedented decision to universalize mail-in ballots, the increase in early voting, and other “Covid” measures, there was every opportunity for every eligible voter to vote, even while scores of “non-eligibles,” including the dead, have managed to cast ballots as well in U.S. elections.

Thus, we have to ask, at what point do we dispense with this notion that anyone is being denied the “right to vote”, now that short-notice registration, provisional balloting, early balloting and widespread mail-in balloting are commonplace? Just how much can the population, or any segment thereof, be accommodated before we simply declare that someone’s failure to vote is either:

1) basically their own fault; or

2) due to their simply not feeling that they’re getting good enough ballot choices to feel motivated to vote? The publication Ballot Access News long ago established that countless alternative parties and candidates are prevented by the stranglehold of the Democrat-Republican duopoly from obtaining, or maintaining, sufficient ballot access to broaden the choices for voters.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of the United States held a hearing on 4 October regarding whether the State of Alabama’s proposed U.S. House re-districting map (of revised constituency boundaries for the lower house of Congress) violates Section 2 of the VRA. This judicial news has dominated U.S. news reports lately. That the hearing even happened is considered a harbinger of doom by most Democrats, and especially by the media, obsessed as they generally are with people’s skin color—in the name of diminishing “discrimination” over skin color, of course.

The Alabama map showing the new proposed seven House districts apparently has only one majority-black district, even though the state has a population that’s more than one-quarter black. The groups challenging the map say that because it would be relatively easy to draw such a map with two majority-black districts, the state is legally obliged to do so. However, some Alabama Republicans counter that creating a second majority-black district would violate other—race-neutral—criteria used in redistricting. Alabama officials making television appearances claimed, right before the submission of the present article, that the new House districts are simply being created to reflect population shifts in a color-blind fashion.

The con here, it appears, is to keep everyone focused on voting “rights” and access to the polls, when the real issue is—and will always be—the integrity and accuracy of the vote-count. From Georgia to Arizona to Wisconsin, Michigan and elsewhere, game-changing but suppressed 2020 election outcomes, such as multiple thousands of missing digital ballot images and large-scale absentee ballot problems (including many that were counted without the voters’ required signatures), are not making the evening news.

So there is indeed suppression—suppression of the truth by major media, in the U.S. and abroad, which affects all American voters of all races, beliefs and creeds.


Voluminous evidence of election fraud

The non-partisan election watchdog group, VoterGA (Voters Organized for Trusted Election Results in Georgia), whose website contains prodigious source material for the data that follows below, gathered from various readily-available sources, is not a pro-Trump group and is highly credible. Yet The Guardian and similar “guardians of democracy” have steadfastly ignored VoterGA and its findings, including in Wisconsin where, according to VoterGA:

Over 200,000 ballots were placed into drop boxes that the Wisconsin Supreme Court confirmed are illegal; the Legislative Audit Bureau found that 57,000 voters who registered at the time they voted on Election Day [an act which itself is questionable—comment by Mark Anderson] could not be verified as required by law; and the nursing home population of 92,000 was inflated to a 100% turnout in 66 homes in three of the largest counties. The total injection of invalid ballots from nursing homes was likely more than enough invalid ballots to exceed [Biden’s] 20,682 margin of victory.

Furthermore, in Arizona, where Biden had an alleged 10,154 popular vote margin, “9,041 more ballots were processed than sent to voters” and “4,463 people who voted in Maricopa County did not live there,” amid many other troubling points cited by VoterGA, in a world where the conventional media continues to pontificate that “there’s not a shred of evidence” that the 3 November 2020 U.S. presidential election could even have come close to being stolen.

Below, there follows additional key evidence of election fraud in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Georgia which appears to be extensive enough to overturn the presidential outcome. Those three states, along with Wisconsin and Arizona, comprise the “battleground states” that were seen as instrumental in determining the overall national election outcome.

The evidence cited in the following three states is directly quoted from, with only the slightest grammatical and quantitative changes made for clarity and conciseness.



The legislature gave its 16 electoral votes to Joe Biden based on a presumed 154,188 popular vote margin without resolving these examples of widespread fraud and illegalities:

  •  A surveillance video shows a truck arriving in the TFC Convention Center at 3:30 am on the morning after election day with 61 bins of ballots estimated to contain over 18,000 ballots, 16,000 of which are still unsourced;
  •  Later that day after the election, Wayne County election workers covered windows so observers would be unable to see votes being counted and they went on to give Biden a 332,000-vote margin, over double the statewide margin of 154,188;
  •  The Wayne County election board refused to certify the election results because the number of mail-in ballots received exceeded the number of applications sent by over 203,000 but reversed [itself] after the Republican members who objected received death threats; and the election board certified its results on the condition that Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson perform an audit that was never conducted;
  • A letter from the chair of the Senate Elections Committee to Senate colleagues acknowledged there are 800,000 ineligible voters on the Michigan voter rolls;
  • In Antrim County, the Dominion [computerized] voting system made a 7,060-vote swap from Donald Trump to Joe Biden. It is not possible that the vote swap can be solely attributed to “human error”;
  • An affidavit from Russell Ramsland, the head of Allied Security Operation Group [which did a forensic Michigan study—comment by Mark Anderson] stated that 289,000 more ballots than possible were processed in a 2½-hour period on Election Night in four precincts/townships. This indicates a mass electronic insertion of votes that may have offset Biden’s 154,188 Presidential vote margin.



In Pennsylvania, the state legislature gave its 20 electoral votes to Joe Biden based on an 80,555 popular vote margin, without resolving these examples of widespread fraud and illegalities documented on the Resources, Reports/Media and County Info tabs at Audit the Vote PA:

  • The 2020 election was certified with 700,000 more votes than voters who voted in the election;
  • True the Vote’s geo-tracking data found that there were roughly 1,000 ballot traffickers operating in Philadelphia County; and True the Vote’s geo-tracking projections estimate that the ballot traffickers injected 200,000 ballots into the Philadelphia election results through unsecure drop boxes;
  • The Pennsylvania Supreme Court illegally allowed mail-in ballots to be received up to three days after the election;
  • [Former Pennsylvania] Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar instructed counties not to verify signatures on mail-in ballot envelopes;
  • Certified results for counties did not match canvassing findings 36% to 78% of the time, when the basic questions were asked: “Did you vote in 2020?”, “How many people are registered to vote at your address?” and “How many of those living here voted that you are aware of?”;
  • Senator Doug Mastriano, Chairman of the Inter-Governmental Operations Committee, initiated a sample forensic audit in three Pennsylvania counties before State Senate President pro tempore Jake Corman removed him from his chairmanship.



The legislature gave its 16 electoral votes to Joe Biden, based on an 11,779 popular vote margin, without resolving the following examples of widespread fraud and irregularities—documented on the Legal, Events and Press Release tabs of

  • Drop box video surveillance representing 181,507 ballots [was] destroyed in 102 counties;
  • There were improper Chain of Custody forms for 107,000 ballots statewide (355,000 estimated missing);
  • Over 1.7 million original ballot images were lost or destroyed in 70 counties, in contravention of state and federal law;
  • None of the 523,000 Fulton County 2020 ballot images used to tabulate the election results could be authenticated, and most were electronically altered prior to certification;
  • The State Senate Judiciary Subcommittee 2020 Election Report found: “The oral testimonies of witnesses on December 3, 2020, and subsequently, the written testimonies submitted by many others, provide ample evidence that the 2020 Georgia General Election was so compromised by systemic irregularities and voter fraud that it should not be certified”;
  • In a 4 November 2020 NBC Today interview, the morning after the election, Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger acknowledged that President Donald Trump had an insurmountable 103,750 vote lead, with only 2% of 4.7 million votes (about 94,000) left to finish counting that day; [but] after stating “We don’t guess” about the election results, Raffensperger instead allowed another 200,000 phantom ballots to be entered into the state results during the three days after the election, and he certified 4.998 million votes.

Interestingly, Raffensperger also outsourced the voter registration list of the State of Georgia to “the cloud”, via the WEF-associated Salesforce, a San Francisco-headquartered, cloud-based software company founded and chaired by billionaire Marc Benioff, who also co-owns the globalist Time Magazine and is a World Economic Forum Board of Trustees member.



Of course, not all election-investigating citizens and groups are flawless. Mistakes are made and misperceptions can happen. Yet the numbers above are clearly troubling enough to warrant a thoroughgoing investigation—which, although not “officially” happening, is being carried out as much as possible by private citizens who, against relentless media put-downs and evasions, have staked their entire reputation to try to expose what appears to be a stolen election in November 2020.

That is a major consideration when the “legacy” media and most Democrats in the political structure claim that the “Stop the Steal” rally outside the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on 6 January 2021 was a baseless “insurrection” whose participants deserve only ridicule and/or imprisonment.

In the process, American election-integrity groups say they want to establish honest U.S. elections—which most agree would consist of ditching electronic vote counts that are run by private voting-machine manufacturing and software companies whose operations are not fully known by election officials.

Instead, hand-counted paper ballots should be used at each local precinct, on live camera, while using transparent ballot boxes with no break in the chain of ballot custody. Local citizens should be paid to do the televised count, witnessed by a broad range of observers from the community. This has been advocated by several sources UK Column has contacted, including Vickie Karp of Vote Rescue, based in Austin, Texas.